Deep beneath the US Capitol, in a safe room meant to guard discussions of American secrets and techniques, a wave of sarcastic laughter unfold amongst lawmakers and workers members who had been assembled to obtain a briefing in late October from senior Pentagon officers.
The Navy rear admiral and a prime civilian adviser to the protection secretary had made the journey to Capitol Hill to stroll lawmakers via an accelerating string of strikes that up to now have now claimed 80 lives. The assaults had been a part of a campaign the Trump administration says is geared toward disrupting the operations of drug cartels.
But in a gathering the lawmakers anticipated would focus on rising considerations over whether or not the army had the authorized proper to kill traffickers with out understanding their identities and with out trial, the 2 Pentagon briefers had left one thing behind: the army legal professionals who had been scheduled to attend.
The announcement of the sudden cancellation by the legal professionals was instantly seen by a number of the lawmakers as a traditional stonewalling tactic – with no legal professionals round, the Pentagon officers might declare ignorance on authorized questions – triggering the wry laughs within the safe room.
But what the Pentagon officers did must say that day struck a number of attendees as deeply troubling. It was the way in which briefers described these killed within the operations – so-called enemy combatants – that appeared to offer proof that the administration was dusting off the playbook of the drone warfare in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The briefers mentioned the strikes in opposition to alleged drug boats in almost an identical phrases as these carried out within the Middle East throughout the international warfare on terror: Killed in Action, goal signature, enemy combatants.
“I was like, wait a minute, enemy KIA, what war are we talking about here? What declared conflict am I missing?” one supply conversant in the briefing informed NCS.
In that and different briefings with lawmakers, army officers have acknowledged they didn’t know the names of these killed, the precise vacation spot of their automobiles or have the documentation to prosecute them for their alleged crimes. But the targets’ actions match the intelligence of what the briefers known as “terrorist” exercise and they also had been labeled as “enemy KIA,” or killed in motion, a phrase used for a long time to characterize troops perishing on the battlefield.
The US spent greater than a decade finishing up assaults, generally known as “signature strikes,” primarily based on related tough intelligence profiles as a part of its drone campaign within the Middle East. But that campaign occurred throughout a interval when US troops had been routinely coming beneath enemy fireplace and had been dealing with common roadside bombings.
US forces working in and round Latin America haven’t reported taking fireplace, and the Pentagon has mentioned no troops have been injured throughout its current operations within the area. Nonetheless, the US army has performed 20 strikes, destroying 21 boats whereas labeling these killed “narco-terrorists.”
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has been specific in drawing the comparability between terrorist teams and drug trafficking operations in Latin America, calling them the “Al-Qaeda of the Western Hemisphere.”
“My advice to foreign terrorist organizations, do not get in a boat,” Hegseth mentioned throughout a current speech.

Most of the strikes in opposition to boats have used drones designed to hold hellfire missiles, the identical mixture of {hardware} that had been the spine of the signature strike campaign within the Middle East, although NCS has reported that AC-130J gunships have additionally participated in a number of the assaults in Latin America.
US officers have informed Congress they don’t have to establish particular person targets earlier than killing them – mirroring an argument made by previous administrations to justify related strikes in opposition to terror networks.
“The risk is that a signature is misinterpreted or erroneous and an innocent party is attacked,” mentioned Mark Cancian, a retired Marine Corps colonel and a senior adviser with the CSIS Defense and Security Department.
He described how signature strikes within the Middle East used traits of a goal, and the way that very same logic might be utilized to drug boats.
“In the Caribbean, that means that if a vessel exhibits characteristics a, b, and c, then it is presumed to be running drugs,” he mentioned, although he added, “It’s possible that the administration has more direct information and is not releasing that to avoid compromising sources and methods.”
But not like throughout the warfare on terror, the Trump administration lacks Congressional authorization for a sustained army campaign in opposition to alleged drug traffickers.

NCS first reported on the existence of an opinion produced by the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel, which authorized specialists mentioned seems to justify an open-ended warfare in opposition to a secret record of cartels and suspected drug traffickers. The opinion seems designed to offer the president energy to designate drug traffickers as enemy combatants and have them summarily killed with out authorized evaluation, these specialists mentioned.
Historically, these concerned in drug trafficking had been thought-about criminals with due course of rights, with the Coast Guard interdicting drug-trafficking vessels and arresting smugglers, a distinction with a really clear distinction in comparison with terror teams which were focused in related strikes.
For now, Trump administration legal professionals seem like relying closely on the President’s broad Article II authority – the part of the Constitution that outlines the function of the president together with their command of the army.
Taken collectively, the Trump administration is testing the bounds of its authority to wage warfare overseas – fueling considerations amongst lawmakers on each side of the aisle who proceed to query the president’s authorized justification for the strikes. It has additionally raised questions as to what classes the administration and army might or might not have realized from the decadeslong battle within the Middle East.
The Pentagon didn’t reply to a request for remark for this story.
“How many briefings have I sat in at this point, where there’s some general or admiral sitting there and giving me vignettes about operations, and talking about the number of people they kill, enemy combatants they kill, their boats they blowing up, or tanks they’re blowing up, and how the mission was a success, and none of them could actually tell me what the strategy and endgame was and how they were going to measure success,” Rep. Jason Crow, a Democrat who’s a member of the House Armed Services and Intelligence Committees, informed NCS.
“And, so this is no different. I mean, they have learned nothing from our last 25 years, it seems,” Crow, who additionally served three excursions in Iraq in Afghanistan and was an Army Ranger, added.

While Trump’s broader plan for the counter-drug campaign has not been articulated publicly, prime officers have made clear that they intend to proceed targeting smugglers utilizing an analogous playbook to the one used for killing terrorists.
In observe, present and former US nationwide safety officers informed NCS the 2 missions usually are not so completely different.
“Network targeting is network targeting,” mentioned one former US intelligence official with data of the administration’s present technique targeted on dismantling drug trafficking teams.
However, the “end state complicates things,” the previous official added.
The strikes in opposition to alleged drug boats began September 2, introduced by President Donald Trump in a submit on social media claiming that the boat was being operated by the Tren de Aragua gang. That first strike killed 11, Trump wrote, as he claimed that the gang was being directed by Venezuelan chief Nicolas Maduro.
“TDA is a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization, operating under the control of Nicolas Maduro, responsible for mass murder, drug trafficking, sex trafficking, and acts of violence and terror across the United States and Western Hemisphere,” Trump wrote.
That was a theme within the early wave of strikes, because the Trump administration tried to tie Maduro to drug trafficking – particularly fentanyl – whereas attacking boats close to the Venezuelan coast within the Caribbean. It coincided with a large buildup of army property within the Caribbean, which now consists of the Ford Carrier Strike Group and has raised questions on whether the US intends to strike inside Venezuela and probably attempt to oust Maduro.

While these tensions proceed to simmer, the boat strike campaign started to increase to the Pacific Ocean in late October, shifting focus from fentanyl to stopping the motion of cocaine. The introduced targets additionally bought much less particular. Nearly all the subsequent strikes together with that first within the Pacific had been in opposition to a “designated terrorist organization,” as introduced by Hegseth, mirroring Global War on Terror framing of assaults.
The Pentagon has intentionally shifted its technique in current weeks to placing suspected narcotraffickers within the japanese Pacific Ocean, slightly than the Caribbean Sea, as a result of administration officers imagine they’ve stronger proof linking cocaine transport to the US from these western routes, NCS additionally reported.
The intelligence means that cocaine is much extra prone to be trafficked from Colombia or Mexico, slightly than Venezuela, the sources mentioned, elevating extra questions concerning the true function of the US army buildup within the Caribbean Sea.
But the shift to strikes within the Pacific has led to considerations from different international locations in Latin America that the boat strike campaign alerts a broadening that would solely proceed.

Mexico has lengthy been seen by US officers as an epicenter of the drug commerce, and Trump, himself, has repeatedly inquired about sending American troops throughout the southern border to focus on cartels primarily based there.
Trump’s earlier gives to ship US forces into Mexico have been rebuffed, however the ongoing US army strikes have added a brand new wrinkle to the already delicate relationship between the 2 international locations, as seen by an surprising cellphone name on October 27.
The Mexican Navy bought a name from the Pentagon that day informing officers there could also be a survivor within the Pacific Ocean from a US strike.
The name — and the strike prompting it — stunned Mexico as US officers had offered no advance warning. While nonetheless in worldwide waters, the incident occurred close to Mexico’s coast instantly elevating considerations concerning the enlargement of the US counter-narcotic technique.
The two different identified survivors from earlier strikes had been briefly detained on a US Navy ship however in the end repatriated to their house international locations of Ecuador and Colombia – amid questions concerning the legality of holding them, based on sources.
In Mexico City after the October 27 name, senior Mexican officers scheduled a gathering with the US ambassador to attempt to perceive why Mexico, a detailed US accomplice working with the US on counter-drug operations already, was not conscious of the strike and what to anticipate transferring ahead. A readout of the meeting described it as cordial and “aimed to strengthen bilateral coordination between Mexico and the Unted States on maritime matters.”
Weeks later, the Mexican Navy has not positioned the survivor from that strike after having referred to as off its formal search and the unnamed individual is now presumed lifeless.
For its half, Mexico has responded to Trump’s concentrate on the drug commerce and framing of terrorist networks driving the commerce by attempting to placate the Trump administration with numbers— an effort begun nicely earlier than the strikes commenced. In calls between Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum and Trump, Sheinbaum has stored the US president up to date on progress and metrics because it pertains to crime. Trump administration officers mentioned that the 2 leaders have developed an excellent relationship, regardless of Sheinbaum’s public opposition to the administration’s boat strikes, and proceed to work collectively on a number of fronts.
The Mexican Embassy in Washington declined to remark for this story.
Earlier this yr, Secretary of State Marco Rubio mentioned that international locations cooperatively working with the US on drug smuggling efforts shouldn’t be involved about unilateral US strikes on smugglers from their nations.
“They’re going to help us find these people and blow them up if that’s what it takes. They’re going to help us with it,” Rubio mentioned.

While there are strengths to successfully conducting a counter-terrorism mission on the US border, particularly utilizing the total energy of the US intelligence neighborhood and army to establish vulnerabilities inside these numerous teams, a number of present and former officers informed NCS there are additionally apparent pitfalls.
Those embody points associated to collateral harm and managing political outrage from international locations which are more and more involved the US might violate their sovereignty by conducting deadly strikes inside their borders.
Those are related challenges to what US officers grappled with throughout the international warfare on terror.
The former US intelligence official in contrast the US-Mexico dynamic to that of coping with Pakistan throughout that point. Initially, the US refrained from conducting unilateral operations inside Pakistan’s borders, spending years asking for permission earlier than finishing up strikes in opposition to suspected terrorists.

Pakistan by no means mentioned no, the previous official mentioned, and the US finally moved right into a part of merely notifying the nation slightly than asking for permission earlier than a strike.
Unlike Pakistan, nonetheless, the Mexican authorities has repeatedly mentioned no to Trump when he has raised the prospect of deploying the US army contained in the nation to focus on drug teams.
Senior US intelligence officers have insisted that they’re collaborating with the Mexican authorities in relation to countering the stream of medicine and that any army or covert motion carried out throughout the border is not going to be achieved unilaterally.
But that has achieved little to ease the considerations of Mexican officers who imagine that call, in the end, lies solely with the President.
While all the strikes up to now have been at sea targeting boats allegedly carrying medicine, legal professionals within the Trump administration have been debating potential justifications to increase these strikes to land, a US official mentioned.
One technique they’ve debated could be to establish land targets the US believes to be related to drug trafficking and justifying these strikes with a second authorized opinion that declares the host nation unable or unwilling to handle an imminent risk to Americans, sources conversant in the administration’s considering mentioned. Another risk is so as to add Mexican cartels to an current, secret record of 24 cartels and legal organizations that the administration argues are respectable targets. There’s no indication {that a} resolution to conduct land strikes has been made.
Still, the continuing strikes in worldwide waters are straining relations between the US and allies.

The United Kingdom is not sharing intelligence with the US about suspected drug trafficking vessels within the Caribbean as a result of it doesn’t need to be complicit in US army strikes and believes the assaults are unlawful, NCS has reported.
The UK’s resolution marks a major break from its closest ally and intelligence sharing accomplice and underscores the rising skepticism over the legality of the US army’s campaign round Latin America.
In response to NCS’s reporting, Columbia President Gustavo Petro introduced that he had ordered the nation’s safety forces to droop intelligence sharing with US safety companies till the US stops the strikes.
It was the escalation of a public spat between Trump and Petro, who in Columbia leads a rustic that has been a vital accomplice in US efforts to fight medicine.
That dispute reached a fever pitch when one of many two survivors of US strikes who’s Colombian was repatriated.
The man was subsequently launched by Colombian authorities as a result of a scarcity of proof that he was an alleged trafficker, based on Petro, who has continued to query the US technique of shoot-first and ask questions later.
“Colombia’s prosecutor’s office, independent of the government, cannot investigate without evidence. Thousands of people we captured on boats with the seized cocaine are tried in Colombia, but the method of killing them and not seizing the evidence does not allow for trials; at most, only bodies are collected, without really knowing what they were transporting,” Petro posted on social media.
