In a nationwide memorial deal with at Oslo Cathedral simply two days after the assaults, Stoltenberg known as for “more democracy, more openness, and more humanity.”

Speaking with NCS’s “Amanpour” present in an interview to mark the anniversary, Stoltenberg — now NATO secretary-general — repeated that message and applauded the best way Norwegians had responded. But, he warned, the “hatred is still out there.”

Last month, the University of Oslo’s Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) revealed a series of analyses Breivik’s long-term influence.

The writer of one of many experiences, Dr. Jacob Aasland Ravndal, instructed NCS it appeared extra restricted than media protection would counsel. “There was of course a lot of concern after the attacks that they would generate copycat attacks,” he stated. But “somewhat surprisingly,” he stated, there have not been many clear-cut instances of direct inspiration from Breivik.

Rightwing extremist Anders Behring Breivik arrives in court on April 16, 2012 for the start of his trial.Rightwing extremist Anders Behring Breivik arrives in court on April 16, 2012 for the start of his trial.
One of the extra obvious hyperlinks is to the shooting attack in Munich, Germany on July 22, 2016, in which an 18-year-old German-Iranian man killed 9 people. The rampage was carried out on the fifth anniversary of the Norway assaults and the attacker had been “talking a lot about Breivik,” Ravndal stated. “But he was also deeply inspired by many other figures,” Ravndal stated, a few of them school-shooters.
The different apparent case is that of Brenton Tarrant, the Australian far-right terrorist who live-streamed an assault in which he killed 51 Muslim worshipers at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, in March 2019.

But though Tarrant claimed to have been impressed by Breivik, investigators discovered that he had began his planning a while earlier than he learn Breivik’s manifesto. “So even there, you can question how much of an impact Breivik had,” Ravndal stated. Tarrant’s personal manifesto is very completely different from Breivik’s, together with in its politics, he added.

Within Norway, analysis signifies that the far proper has not gained a lot attraction general because the assaults and has been unable to show out supporters in any numbers on the streets, Ravndal stated.

“Of course in Norway, as everywhere else, online activity has grown over these 10 years,” he stated. “But whether that reflects a substantial increase of far-right activity or simply mirrors the growth of social media on the internet, that’s very difficult to say.”

Shooting spree

(*77*)On that quiet summer time day in 2011, Breivik drove a van full of a do-it-yourself fertilizer bomb into Oslo and parked it outdoors a authorities workplace. A jiffy later, it exploded, killing eight people, injuring many extra and damaging a number of buildings.

Firefighters work at the site of the explosion near government buildings in the Norwegian capital, Oslo, on July 22, 2011.Firefighters work at the site of the explosion near government buildings in the Norwegian capital, Oslo, on July 22, 2011.

Breivik, in the meantime, had set off by automotive on the 25-mile journey to Utoya Island, the place a Labour Party summer time youth camp was going down. Posing as a police officer who was checking on safety following the Oslo assault, he caught a ferry to the island and carried out a taking pictures spree in which 69 people died — most of them youngsters. Many others have been severely wounded.

During his trial, Breivik boasted of being an ultranationalist who killed his victims to struggle multiculturalism in Norway, saying he acted out of “necessity” to stop the “Islamization” of the nation beneath the ruling center-left Labour Party.
A courtroom ruling meant his testimony was not televised, denying him an opportunity to broadcast his views to a large viewers. But Breivik believed his writings would encourage right-wing terrorists to comply with in his footsteps.
Police and emergency services gather following the massacre at a summer youth camp on July 22, 2011 on Utoya Island, Norway.Police and emergency services gather following the massacre at a summer youth camp on July 22, 2011 on Utoya Island, Norway.
While components of his three-book manifesto have been lifted from other sources, such as the writings of “Unabomber” Ted Kaczynski in the United States, Breivik additionally detailed his meticulous, years-long planning and gave strategic and operational recommendation.

According to Professor Matthew Feldman, director of the UK-based Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right (CARR), Breivik’s doc can still “easily” be discovered in the darker reaches of the web regardless of efforts to take away it.

That manifesto was “paradigmatic,” Feldman stated, “not just because it showed what one individual can do in terms of the horrific loss of life” but additionally in its focusing on of Muslims and what Breivik known as “cultural Marxism.”

Even extra importantly, Feldman stated, Breivik’s case confirmed the hazards posed by lone-wolf actors who self-radicalize on-line by networks of like-minded people and carry out their preparations for violent assaults on-line, making them very arduous to detect.
Ad hoc extremist groups come into focus in post-January 6 criminal charges Ad hoc extremist groups come into focus in post-January 6 criminal charges
At the identical time, Feldman stated, there was the “slow rise, some would call it mainstreaming, of right-wing extremism,” helped in half by publicity on right-wing media platforms. “For some it was laid naked on January 6 in the United States [in the assault on the Capitol] but it is one thing that is been gathering tempo slowly but steadily in latest many years,” he stated.

Despite this backdrop, Breivik’s actions and manifesto have gained restricted traction, in response to Ravndal.

His evaluation for C-REX signifies that “in the beginning the far-right across the board rejected him,” stated Ravndal. An on-line help community that was established for Breivik later collapsed. It was solely with the emergence of on-line boards like 4chan and 8chan that Breivik as soon as once more began to get constructive mentions, Ravndal stated.

“The main finding, all in all, both when it comes to tactics but also for political, ideological support, is that it’s been surprisingly little,” he stated. “It’s been possible to find support, but fortunately less than one might have worried about initially considering the high death toll and all the attention these attacks got globally.”

Societal impression

Today, the controversy has shifted in components of Norwegian society to broader ideological questions, Ravndal stated.

Some — significantly in the youth wing of the Labour Party — really feel that there has not been a reckoning with the nation’s far-right motion, the largest participant in which is the populist, right-wing Progress Party, he stated.

Breivik had been a member of the Progress Party when he was youthful but the celebration distanced itself from him after the assault.
In a joint statement revealed on the celebration’s web site earlier this month, celebration chief Sylvi Listhaug and deputy leaders Ketil Solvik-Olsen and Terje Søviknes pushed again towards any suggestion that the Progress Party was not united with different Norwegians in rejecting Breivik’s attitudes and actions.

“We must all stand together against violent extremism — regardless of whether it comes from the ‘far right’, ‘far left’ or extreme interpretations of religion,” the assertion stated. “Only the extremists will win if we exclude each other from the grief after July 22 and weaken the unity around the struggle for democracy, freedom of expression and equality.”

Labour has promised that if it wins energy in elections this September, it should arrange a brand new fee to take a look at radicalization.

There is additionally debate about whether or not the assault ought to be interpreted as an assault on Norwegian society as an entire, or as an assault on the Labour Party particularly, Ravndal stated. “Today, some within the Labour Party perhaps feel that that part of the story has been neglected a bit.”

People stand next to the "Iron roses" memorial outside Oslo Cathedral on September 28, 2019, to commemorate the 77 victims of Anders Behring Breivik's attacks.People stand next to the "Iron roses" memorial outside Oslo Cathedral on September 28, 2019, to commemorate the 77 victims of Anders Behring Breivik's attacks.

Feldman considers that Norway’s response was formed by the sense that the perpetrator was “one of their own,” as have been the victims, with out a sense of “otherness” to drive a extra multicultural response.

“Norway essentially asked itself this question, and it’s a very valid one … ‘How did Norwegian society produce such a monster?'” he stated. “It’s a very inward-looking question.”

By distinction, he stated, New Zealand took a way more world strategy as it checked out what led as much as the Christchurch assaults. This was in half as a result of Tarrant, an Australian, had focused worshipers at mosques, lots of whom have been foreign-born.

At the identical time, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern’s response, together with sporting a hijab to satisfy survivors and kinfolk of these killed, was central in bringing all New Zealanders collectively in help of the victims as fellow residents, he stated.
Just weeks later, New Zealand collaborated with France to provide the “Christchurch Call” — a dedication by governments and tech corporations to get rid of terrorist and violent extremist content material on-line — and subsequently labored with the United States and United Nations to maintain the difficulty on the agenda, Feldman stated.

He hopes to win additional commitments to counter extremist content material on-line at an occasion he is concerned with in Bergen, Norway, subsequent month.

Members of the public pay their respects near Utoya Island on July 24, 2011 in Norway.Members of the public pay their respects near Utoya Island on July 24, 2011 in Norway.

Breivik’s ideology ‘is still out there’

Speaking to NCS earlier this month, Stoltenberg spoke of the shock he felt as he realized the size of the horrors perpetrated by Breivik — and the non-public disappointment it introduced, since he knew most of the victims.

He additionally stood by the message he delivered to the nation as it was still reeling from the July 22 assaults.

Norway's then-Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, left, embraces Eskil Pedersen, leader of the Norwegian Labour Youth league and a survivor of the Utoya attack, on July 23, 2011.Norway's then-Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, left, embraces Eskil Pedersen, leader of the Norwegian Labour Youth league and a survivor of the Utoya attack, on July 23, 2011.

“I still believe that our answer was the right one,” Stoltenberg instructed NCS. “[Breivik] wanted to attack our free, open democratic societies. So the best response is more openness, more democracy, because then we prove that he is not winning, we are winning.

“He demonstrated hatred. The greatest response to hatred is love. So … I actually welcomed the sturdy message from the people of Norway, as (we) have seen additionally in many different international locations which have been attacked, that we rise up for our values.”

That notwithstanding, Stoltenberg does not believe that Breivik has been entirely defeated.

“He is convicted, he is in jail. But his ideology, that is still out there. And due to this fact we have to proceed — I believe we by no means can be in the place the place we are able to say that we’ve received the struggle, we are able to shut the chapter preventing towards extremism.”

Since 2011, Norway has implemented measures to protect — as far as possible — against such attacks in the future, Stoltenberg said. And, he added, Brevik — whose 21-year sentence could be extended in the future if he still poses a threat — has lost in one key respect.

“We have to grasp that the aim of this assault was to vary Norway basically. And … sure, after all, this can be a part of Norway’s historical past,” he said. “It can be a part of who we’re as lengthy as we exist. But basically, it has not modified who we’re.”

NCS’s Frederik Pleitgen contributed to this report.



Sources

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